In the English-language press in Israel and,
just lately, here in our American Jewish press as well, I’ve lately noticed the
word “halakhic” being used to qualify not behavior or rituals, but people. That
may seem like a natural extension of the earlier usage, but the whole notion of
describing someone as being “halakhic” strikes me as yet another blow to the
nuanced, thoughtful definition of the word halakhah that, at least in my
personal opinion, should be nurtured and fostered by all who hope to see Judaism
retain its relevance and its appeal to a new generation.
The word itself, the Hebrew word halakhah,
is used widely (although, other than in academic prose, almost solely by Jewish
authors) to denote Jewish law in all of its jurisprudential detail and maddening
intricacy. To be a master of halakhah does not mean merely to be an
observant Jew, therefore, but truly to be conversant in a legal system that is
known both for its precision and its almost byzantine complexity. To embrace halakhah,
on the other hand, requires, not scholarly bona fides at all, but rather
a humble willingness to step into the world of Jewish observance as governed by
an ever-evolving system of legalized norms based on ancient principles that
have morphed forward through the ages to the point in their development that
they have attained to date. Neither of those concepts—becoming a master of halakhah
and embracing halakhah as the measure of daily behavior both within
and without the context of formal worship—seems particularly obscure to me. And
yet I somehow balk at the thought of people “being” halakhic, as though that
were a thing that you could be or not be, something like being a college
graduate or a convicted felon. Both those things you can say in an instant if
you are or aren’t…but is “halakhic” something you can that unambiguously
choose to be or not to be? That is the question I’d like to explore in
this space this week.
The word halakhah, itself not a word in
biblical Hebrew, nevertheless has its roots in the classical language, and in
two contexts that suggest its two aspects nicely: the standard verb used to
denote walking or traveling in classical Hebrew is halakh, which has a far
more obscure homonym used several times in the Book of Ezra to reference some
obscure travelers’ tax imposed on wayfarers in the Persian Empire. Both
antecedents are relevant: although in rabbinic literature the term is mostly
used to denote the correct legal opinion in a potentially confusing context, the
term came in later times to refer both to the life-path followed by
people eager to live in sync with the laws of the Torah and also to the
sense those people have that their choice of that specific course
forward in life is not rooted solely in their will to live in that particular
way but by a deep sense of obligation that hovers over the whole
enterprise…thus making it, in some possible/impossible way, their personal
choice to live lives governed by law not by choice at all but rather imposed on
them from the outside by Heaven itself.
In our world, the term halakhah has come
to denote the set of rules, norms, laws, and obligations that have evolved as
the context in which Jewish people seek communion with God through the medium
of allegiance to the covenant that binds the people Israel and the God of
Israel. On that more or less all would agree. But fewer appear to know that those
norms and rules have their own developmental trajectory in the world, one fully
consonant with the etymological component of the term that suggests the notion
of halakhah as journey rather than as destination, as process rather
than product, as something you do rather than something you are.
Hold that thought…and let’s talk about grammar
instead, at least for a moment. Languages evolve naturally from generation to
generation as words change in meaning and as grammatical rules are abandoned
and others adopted. That much seems obvious. Indeed, the sign of a vibrant,
living language lies precisely in the ability of its speakers easily to
understand each other despite the fact that speakers of that same language from
half a millennium earlier in history might find it impossible to understand
people speaking in their own language all those centuries later. Verbs
particularly morph forward in unexpected ways, but the hallmark of native
speakers is that they can easily and naturally identify exceptions to the
standard rules as authentic or inauthentic. As a native English speaker, for
example, I recognize “he sung a song” as a legitimate variant of the way I
myself would express that thought, but “he becomed a dentist” as an obvious error
that no native speaker would ever make.
And that brings us to grammar, the attempt of
scholars to create patterns that explain, and thus can also predict, how a
given language works. I suppose things may have changed, but when I was in
school, grammar was a tetchy thing: verbs that appeared not to fall into one of
the categories scholars determined as the rubrics that governed a given
language’s verbal system were characterized with language almost always related
to deviancy or defect. Sometimes they were called “weak” verbs; other times they
were labeled “deficient” or “corrupt” instead. The specific terms changed from
language to language—and I studied a lot of languages in my
undergraduate and graduate school years—but the common denominator was that the
terminology used to describe verbs that marched to their own drummers was
always insulting, as though the verbs derided as corrupt or deficient were,
like naughty children, willfully refusing to follow the rules imposed on them.
Despite the use of such bizarre language, however, all the existence of such
verbs really proved was degree to which the grammarians studying that
particular language had failed to understand the system perfectly.
The study of halakhah is a bit like
that, I think. There is, clearly, a strong sociological element to halakhah that
scholars tend to ignore: when behavior patterns (or liturgical norms or the
specifics of ritual practice) fail to suit the rules devised by scholars, they
are derided as somehow deficient, inauthentic, or aberrant rather than as
living proof of the dynamism of the larger enterprise.
Our Jewish observance is rooted in the system
described in the columns of the Torah, but exists independently of our best
efforts to explain it or categorize its elements. There are whole areas of
Torah-based law, for example, that are widely ignored by all, and for no
obvious reason other than the people’s blanket rejection of their underlying
principles…which category includes people who would bristle mightily at that
thought. Even in the most observant communities, for example, I don’t believe
there are people who follow Scripture’s unambiguous instruction to bequeath a
double-share of their estates to their eldest sons and leave it at that. (There
is a complicated way to manipulate the laws of gift-giving and estate planning so
as to appear to be leaving a firstborn son his double share but without that
son actually ending up with twice as much as his younger brothers, but
that only proves my point: even the people who don’t just ignore the
unambiguous injunction to leave firstborns a double share of their parents’
estates don’t actually leave their firstborns that double share at all.
Nor, as far as I know, do regular Jewish people disinherit their daughters if a
family has at least one son despite the clear instruction of Scripture to do
exactly that.) Our tradition exists independently of our best efforts to
categorize its norms in many other ways as well, including liturgically. For example, we routinely label as the
fulfillment of Torah law rituals that do not constitute the fulfillment of any
law of the Torah at all—eating maror at the Passover seder in
these post-Temple years when there is not paschal lamb of which to partake with
those bitter herbs, for example, or performing the n’tillat yadayim handwashing
ritual before eating “regular” food, as opposed to holy foodstuffs like t’rumah
(the ancient grain tax paid by the populace to the priests of ancient
Israel and which had to be eaten in the context of ritual purity). Behaving as
though the mikveh can bring those who bath in it to a state of purity in
our post-Temple world is also a chimera, yet the world is filled with people
who insist exactly the opposite to be the case.
We continue to evolve standards of behavior
that appear to exist outside the system as conceptualized by even our most
adventurous scholars. Why else would I constantly notice, particularly in
Manhattan, very ritually punctilious people who would never enter, let
alone dine at, any other non-kosher restaurant routinely drinking coffee at
Starbucks and not appearing to mind the fact that the same barista who served
them their coffee is serving other patrons non-kosher meat sandwiches? And then
there are aspects of halakhic observance that simply come and go. There was a
time when people routinely referenced Erev Rosh Ḥodesh, the eve of the new
moon, as “the lesser Yom Kippur” and fasted on that day as a means of atoning
for sins committed during the month then concluding. The greatest rabbis
endorsed the custom—Rabbi Moses Cordevero, the sixteenth century kabbalistic
master, and Rabbi Yeshaya Horowitz, called the Holy Shla after the initials of
his greatest work, the Shnei Luḥot Ha-b’rit, for
example—but I’ve never actually heard of anyone fasting on that day. Are there
some who do? I suppose there might be…but none I’ve ever come across. Nor have
I ever met anyone who fasts on Mondays and
Thursdays during the weeks on which the first eight Torah portions of
Exodus—called by their acronym Shovevim Tat—are read aloud in synagogue even
though this was once a relatively wide-spread custom. (Again, the existence of
some obscurantists somewhere who do do this is hardly the point—there
are exceptions to every rule, but my point is that the custom itself has
completely fallen away and is surely unknown to the vast majority of Jewish
people who otherwise consider themselves observant Jews.) Halakhic observance is always in flux, always
morphing forward to suit new norms of behavior and an ever-evolving sense of
morality. The Talmud is filled with rules that fell into desuetude centuries
and centuries ago, but it’s hard to think of that as a tragic development:
life, including spiritual life, is growth…and that is so both on the personal and
on the national level.
And that is why it strikes
me as odd to use the term halakhic to qualify an individual. To live
within the four ells of halakhah is to subjugate one’s will to the will
of heaven. That much any rabbi would affirm easily as the noblest of goals. But
to accept that that level of submission to God is itself a moving target, one
that is permanently in flux and that thus requires of those would attain it not
mere allegiance to a fixed set of rules but rather extreme sensitivity to the
tenor of the world, to the most widely respected ethical norms, and to the
ability of the Jewish people to remain faithful to a system built on a firm
foundation of immutable principles and norms that is somehow also
ever-evolving into its next finest iteration—that is why it takes not just
perseverance but a truly supple intellect to be the kind of Jewish person the
men and women of the House of Israel should all aspire to become. And
that is why it seems spurious to me to label people as “halakhic,” as though it
were something you could just be, like a diabetic or a Democrat: the halakhah
is a framework for spiritual growth across the years of a lifetime and not
a goal in and of itself to attain and then be proud of having attained.
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