Of all the various events of the last
ten days, saying which will have the most lasting effect on our national
character—or our nation’s image abroad or its sense of itself at home—would be,
to say the very least, challenging. But saying which event of that same time
period was the most grotesque is actually simple: surely, it would have to be the
spectacle of so many eager to take sides loudly and vehemently in response to President
Trump’s brief statement on Holocaust Remembrance Day, the
United-Nations-sponsored memorial day scheduled each year since 2005 for
January 27, the day in 1945 that the Red Army liberated Auschwitz.
The statement itself was innocuous
enough. (I wonder how many of those who commented on it at such length and with
such passion actually read it. Surely some…but also surely not all!) Because it
was so brief, I would like to cite it here in its entirety:
It is with a heavy heart and somber mind that we remember and honor the
victims, survivors, heroes of the Holocaust. It is impossible to fully fathom
the depravity and horror inflicted on innocent people by Nazi terror.
Yet, we know that in the
darkest hours of humanity, light shines the brightest.
As we remember those who died, we are deeply grateful to those who risked their
lives to save the innocent.
In the name of the
perished, I pledge to do everything in my power throughout my Presidency, and
my life, to ensure that the forces of evil never again defeat the powers of
good. Together, we will make love and tolerance prevalent throughout the world.
A Martian visiting
Earth and being presented with these paragraphs would probably find them
moving. A wave of horrific violence, correctly characterized as one characterized
by unfathomable depravity, engulfed the world and took the lives of countless
innocents. Yet even in the context of such horror, there were those who chose
to risk their lives to save at least some who would otherwise have surely been
killed. And in response to those two thoughts—the loss of the many and the
heroism of the few—our national leader pledges to devote both his years in
office—and the rest of his life—to the effort of guaranteeing that the forces
of evil never triumph over the powers of good, and that tolerance and love
prevail in their place.
The response,
however, was not as the President had surely expected or wished, and for one
single reason: the omission of the detail that the primary victims of Nazi
genocide were Jews, not “just” innocents chosen at random from the universe of
the guiltless, struck many as vaguely sinister and not at all the kind of thing
reasonably waved away as a function of mere naiveté. And that single fact—the
President’s failure to identify the Jewish people by name in his statement—generated
the storm of criticism that ensued, some of it thoughtful and some of it beyond
shrill.
As the days
passed, new details emerged among which the most arresting was that the
statement, which I don’t suppose anyone imagined President Trump himself wrote,
was actually penned for the President by Boris Epshteyn, once the ten-year-old
child of Soviet Jewish émigrés to this country but now a White House special
assistant. But the Jewish bona fides of the author’s statement did
little to suppress the anger over the perceived insult. In some ways, in fact,
it only made people who were already angry even angrier.
There is no doubt
that the Jews were not the Nazis’ only victims and the numbers of non-Jewish
victims are both numbing and appalling: half a million Serbs, almost two million
Polish civilians, almost three million Ukrainians, somewhere between 2 to 3 million Soviet
P.O.W.s, a quarter of a million Gypsies, another quarter of a million mentally-handicapped
individuals, and hundreds of thousands of others: gay people, Jehovah’s
Witnesses, Freemasons, Catholic priests, and more than thirteen million Soviet
citizens (including the 1.2 million people who died during the siege of
Leningrad alone between 1941 and 1943). And yet…it is also true that it was
only the Jews that were the intended victims of genocide itself, the term used
to denote the intentional effort to annihilate an entire people and to leave no
survivors at all. And that is where
things get confusing: it is surely so that the Germans never intended to murder
every single Pole or every Soviet citizen, just to bring those nations to their
knees by decimating the population and thus weakening the national resolve to
resist German rule. (The situation of the mentally handicapped is more complex,
since the Nazis probably did intend eventually to rid the world of
mental illness by murdering the entire mentally ill population…and yet that
program, called Aktion T4 because it was headquartered at
Tiergartenstrasse 4 in Berlin, was in the end only used to kill German citizens
and was not extended into occupied countries. Nor does it seem quite right to
characterize mentally ill people as a nation that even could be the
victim of genocide.)
And so we are left
between a rock and a very hard place: not wishing to sound dismissive or
unfeeling with respect to the countless non-Jewish victims of the Nazis, men,
women, and children whose suffering was not only real but in many ways and
details just as horrific as the misery inflicted on the Jews of Germany and
Nazi-occupied Europe…but also not wishing to look past the fact that the Shoah
itself—the Nazi war against the Jews—was a unique event both in world history
and, needless to say, in Jewish history as well.
The figure of 11
million victims of the Nazis is probably incorrect—there is some evidence that
Simon Wiesenthal came up with it himself without relying on the soundest of
scholarship—but nitpicking about the number seems unworthy. (For a detailed
account of that number and Simon Wiesenthal’s role in devising it, click here.) Nor is it a number
without its own place in the history of Shoah memorialization: in establishing
the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, then-President Jimmy Carter
made referenced to the 11 million victims of the Holocaust and there was, as I
recall, no particularly vocal response at all. That figure appears all over the
place as well, including as recently as last week, on the Facebook page of the
Israel Defense Forces’ spokesperson’s unit. And I am personally aware of rabbis
who regular reference the eleven-million victims of the Holocaust as though it
would be unseemly to note the Jewish victims without folding the others into
the batter so as not to appear concerned solely with Jewish suffering. I can
follow that line of thinking easily. And the thought of turning the Shoah into
some sort of ghoulish contest—and “ghoulish” would be to say the very least—to
see who suffered more grievously or in larger numbers at the hands of the Nazis
and those who chose to collaborate with them—the thought of entering into that
kind of calculus of agony with other victims’ groups to see who wins the right
to claim the more horrific fate under the Nazis seems revolting to me.
Under normal
circumstances, no one would care. I myself, whose entire adult life has in a
sense been guided by the self-imposed need fully and deeply to internalize the
details of the Shoah and its deeply monitory message for my own generation and
my children’s—even I can’t say with certainty that I would have reacted
particularly negatively to the President’s remarks under normal circumstances.
It was, I think I would have thought, impressive that the President even took
note of Holocaust Remembrance Day, let alone bothered in the course of his
first week in office to issue a formal statement in which he pledged to spend
both the years of his presidency and the rest of his life after leaving office—a
bit over the top, perhaps, but that’s what the man said—combatting the forces
of evil exemplified by the Nazis.
But, of course,
these are not normal times and we are not operating under normal circumstances.
The presence among the White House staff of people who have been openly
associated with anti-Semites, the open use of anti-Semitic slogans and graphic
memes by the Trump campaign, the President’s own repeated, jarring use of the
“America First” slogan in his Inaugural Address without any apparent awareness
of the set of memories those words would awaken for an entire generation of
Americans and particular for American Jews (for a brief history of the “America
First” slogan, click here), and, most of all, the
resurgence of the kind of rhetoric with respect to immigration that
characterized our nation as its moral perigee during the FDR years when the
gates remained shut even to children, let alone to adults, facing unfathomable
torment and almost certain death—all of that provides the backdrop against
which the President’s statement calls out to be read. And when considered
against that background, the statement that the Martian I mentioned above would
find both innocuous and moving, feels, to say the very least, unsettling.
I remember
visiting the Anne Frank House in Amsterdam in 1977 and being shocked to
discover that Anne’s Jewishness was left almost completely unmentioned in the
displays on exhibit. That was my first experience of the Shoah universalized to
the point of meaninglessness, of the effort to make the Shoah about oppression
in general and not about anti-Semitism in its most extreme guise, of the notion
that there was something at least slightly morally suspect in defining the
Shoah as the apotheosis of rabid anti-Semitism and not, far less specifically,
as an example of prejudice or extremism. That was my first taste of that specific kind
of anti-Jewishness, but not my last. I’d like to think that the President’s
remarks were unfortunately but not maliciously phrased, that the omission of
any reference to the Jewish people was a mere oversight by a naïve aide, that
the larger concept that there even was a declaration is what we should
be focusing on…and not on its specific wording. I’d like to think all those
things! But whether that option will still be tenable a year from now—that is
the real question for Jewish Americans—and for all fair-minded citizens—to
contemplate as we move into the first months of the Trump administration.
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