We give hurricanes and tropical
storms names—or the World Meteorological Organization does—primarily to make it
possible to reference them without having to remember their precise dates and
where exactly they made landfall: talking about Harvey, Irma, and Maria is a
lot simpler than trying to reference them as “that storm in Texas back in
August…or was it September?” or “that hurricane that ended up on the other side
of Florida from the one they expected it to savage.” But although naming them surely does make it
easier to talk about them, it also personifies them in a strange way that makes
them sound less like unavoidable natural disasters and more like unwanted
visitors whose arrival could presumably have been prevented had we only thought
in advance to turn off the porch lights and pull in the welcome mat. (By the
way, did you know there are only six lists of names used for storms in each separate
ocean region, each series repeated every six years other than when super-storm
names like Katrina are permanently retired and a new name starting with that
letter is chosen? Click here for a
list of the names of future storms through 2022.) Still, the practice is
probably more useful than wrong-minded, and it is at any rate here to stay.
We don’t have a similarly
adorable way to refer to the perpetrators of mass shootings, however. Partially
that is because the shooters actually have names and so hardly need new ones
assigned to them. And using their real names feels right for another reason as
well—because it is makes it feel more natural just to blame the shooter
for the shooting and be done with it than to ask if society itself bears any
responsibility for these horrific acts of bloodshed. And that impetus to look
no further than the shooter to explain the shooting is incredibly strong. Indeed,
when the President said the other day that the massacre in that Texas church was
“about” mental illness and not guns, he was merely giving voice to the siren
sentiment that Sutherland Springs had nothing to do with society itself, just
with some crazy person who ran amok with a Ruger AR-556 semi-automatic rifle in
his hands. And what could that possibly have to do with anyone other than
the shooter himself? Yes, it is true
that there is the horrific mistake made by the Air Force in this specific case
to take into account—an error that allowed a man with a criminal record for
uncontrollable violence to purchase a gun he should have been forbidden by
federal law to acquire—but that detail, for all it is truly upsetting, is also
strangely re-assuring. It was just an error, you see: if the Air Force
had correctly entered the shooter’s domestic violence court-martial into the
proper federal government data base, then he would indeed have been
barred from purchasing the weapon he used to murder all those innocents at the
First Baptist Church last Sunday and his victims, including a dozen children, would
still be alive. So it’s all about Devin P. Kelly, the shooter. And it’s a
little bit about the Air Force. But it’s easy to insist that it’s not about
anyone but the shooter…and particularly not about people who hadn’t heard of
him or Sutherland Springs, Texas, until last Sunday.
That, however, is only one way to
interpret things. If the President is right that this and similar crimes are
all manifestations of mental instability on the part of the shooters and thus
unrelated to questions of gun safety or gun control, then our nation—that had thirty
times as many gun murders in 2015 than Canada, Australia, or Spain—should also
have thirty times as many mentally-ill citizens. But I cannot find any
survey that suggests that that is even remotely how things are. France, for
example, is just behind us in terms of percentage of citizens treated for
mental illness, but had one-thirtieth the number of gun murders that we did in
2007 (the last year for which I could find accurate figures)…just the same as
the countries mentioned above. So,
whatever these figures ultimately mean, they clearly do not mean that we
have thirty times the gun murders that other countries have because we have
thirty times as many deranged citizens in our midst. (For two interesting
surveys comparing the prevalence of mental health issues in various countries,
click here and here.) But if
that is the case, then why do we have these endless mass shootings to
contend with in our country?
Part of the answer does indeed have
to do with craziness, but not with the craziness of the shooters. In a Pew
Research Center poll conducted last March and April, a full 11% of Americans
responded that they did not feel that it should be illegal for mentally ill
people to purchase guns. In a Quinnipiac University National Poll conducted
last month, 12% of the respondents who live in households with guns responded
that they saw no reason for a nation-wide ban on the sale of guns to people
convicted of violent crimes. The response from respondents who live without
guns was, in a sense, even more astounding: 15% of those responders—all of them
people who themselves do not own guns—agreed that there was no need for such a
national ban of gun sales to violent criminals. But even harder for me
personally to fathom is that 7% of people who live with guns and 4% of people
who don’t feel that there is no need to subject would-be gun purchasers to any
sort of background checks at all—in other words, that guns should be sold in
America in roughly the same way Starbuck’s sells coffee: to whomever walks in
and has the purchase price in hand. And one final statistic to ponder: when
asked if they agreed with the thought that a ban on the sale of guns to people
convicted of violent crimes would reduce gun violence, 39% of people who live
in “gun households” disagreed, as did 25% of people who live in households
without guns. (Click here to see
these statistic in more detail.)
I find all of the above
unfathomable. Who are these people that don’t think that keeping guns
out of the hands of violent criminals would reduce gun violence? It’s a good
question, too: if 25% and 39% average out at 32% of our American population,
that would be about 104 million people who don’t see a clear correlation
between criminals owning guns and crimes that involve the use of guns being
committed. Clearly, I’m missing something here. But what could it be?
The right to bear arms is part of
our national culture, part of our distinctive American ethos. The Second
Amendment guarantees the right of citizens to belong to armed
militias—presumably envisaged by the founders as state-wide fighting forces
called into existence to defend the citizenry against outside aggression—but
already in our nation’s infancy this was interpreted to guarantee the right of
individual citizens to bear arms even outside the framework of organized
fighting forces. And the notion that reliance on a central government to make
and keep the citizenry safe is invariably going to be a good idea is not a
point anyone even slightly conversant with Jewish history can or should argue
as though it were a self-evident truth. And so I find myself torn in different
directions here, wishing the Jews of Kovno, say, had been armed when the Germans
came to take their children, but—without feeling naïve or foolish—simply not
believing that kind of danger to be plausibly something we could ever encounter
in America.
In my heart, I really do think
that America is different…and that the foundational ideas upon which our
republic rests and for which it stands really do guarantee our safety more than
a Ruger AR-556 in each of our broom closets ever could. And, that being the
case, I simply don’t see how anyone can read the Second Amendment to imply that
every citizen, even mentally ill individuals or people convicted of violent
crimes, has the right to own weapons capable of murdering fifty-eight people in
a matter of minutes, as Stephen Paddock did last month in Las Vegas when he
started shooting from his hotel room window at concert goers gathered below. When
the President said with respect to the massacre in Texas last week that this
was a “mental health issue at the highest level,” he was entirely right—but not
in the way he meant. Yes, I’m sure that Devin Patrick Kelly will be
posthumously diagnosed as deranged. But truly crazy is a nation in which scores
of millions of citizens do not believe that making an effort, even an only
partially successful one, to keep guns out of the hands of violent criminals and
mentally ill individuals would reduce gun violence in our land.
Clearly, this problem is not
going to be solved with one grand gesture by Congress. But small steps forward
are also worth taking. Writing in the Times last week, Nicholas Kristof offered
a heartening parallel by pointing out that our nation had one-ninth the
deaths in automobile accidents in 2016 than in 1946, and that those seventy
years of progress can be explained by the slow, incremental introduction of
more and more innovative practices that simply made fatalities in cars less
likely: seatbelts, air bags, child safety seats, etc. That is a dramatic change from my father’s
generation (my Dad was 30 years old in 1946) to my kids’ generation (my younger
son had his 30th birthday earlier this year). And it happened simply
because there was a concerted, unambivalent national will to make it happen. And
because scientists of various sorts were able to find ways to make cars
safer without making them undrivable or unbearably slow or unwieldy. If that
happened, and it did, then guns too can become safer. And the laws that govern
their use can be made tighter in rational and reasonable ways…and without
strangling or stunting the gun-owner’s legitimate right to bear arms. Take a
look at Kristof’s article (click here), and
you’ll see what I mean. Small steps are worth taking…even if they only yield
truly dramatic results over decades.
If Sandy Hook wasn’t enough to
bring us to our senses, it’s hard to imagine what would be. And yet…it simply
doesn’t seem possible that there is no way at all to reduce gun violence in
America. All that is required is some unequivocal national resolve to act…and
creative, inspired leaders prepared to lead us up out of this morass into which
we have sunk.
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