John
McCain’s death was hardly a surprise. (The announcement at the end of last week
that the decision had been made to discontinue medical treatment was certainly
a clear enough indicator that he was coming to the end of his days.) I admit
that the national wellspring of emotion the senator’s death brought forth from
political fellow travelers and opponents alike, even leaving the President’s belated
and begrudging response out of the mix, caught more than a bit off-guard. But
it was Senator McCain’s posthumously-revealed wish that he be eulogized in a
bipartisan manner both by Presidents George Bush and Obama that made the
strongest impression on me. That these were the two men who the most
consequentially thwarted his own White House aspirations—the former by
defeating him for the Republican nomination in 2000 and the later by defeating
him in the presidential election of 2008—also impressed me as a sign both of
humility and magnanimity. The funeral is this Saturday, so I’m writing this
before knowing what either man will say. But my guess is that both will rise to
the occasion and pay homage to the man, not for holding this or that political
view, but for having the moral stamina to move past his own defeats at both
their hands to return to the Senate to continue his life of service to the
American people.
Senator
McCain was a complicated figure and hardly a paragon of invariable virtue. He
himself characterized the decisions that led to his involvement in the “Keating
Five” scandal the “worst mistake of my life.” (The fact that he made that
comment after the Senate Ethics Committee determined that he had
violated neither any U.S. law nor any specific rule of the Senate itself speaks
volumes: here was a man who could have gone on to crow about his innocence—or
at least about his non-guilt—yet who chose instead publicly to rue the
appearance of impropriety that he feared would permanently attach itself to his
name.) He owned up publicly to the fact that, at least in the context of his
first marriage, he was not a model of marital fidelity. He was in many
instances a party-line guy, going along with the plan to invade Iraq without
stopping to notice that there was no actual evidence that Saddam Hussein
possessed the weapons of mass destruction President Bush was so certain had to
exist and in fact going so far as to refer on the floor of the Senate to Iraq
as a “clear and present danger” to our country without pausing to ask himself
how he could possibly know that in the absence of evidence that Iraq possessed
actual weapons capable of reaching these shores.
On the
other hand, his more than five years as a prisoner of the North Vietnamese—the
beatings and the torture he endured, his refusal to accept the early release
offered to him because the military Code of Conduct instructs prisoners to
accept “neither parole nor special favors” from the enemy, his two years of
solitary confinement—speaks for itself. (And the phony “confession” he signed
at a particularly low point when his injuries had brought him to the point of
considering suicide does nothing to change my mind about his heroism. In the
end, he defied his captors in every meaningful way and was momentarily defeated
by them only once.) As does his lifetime of service to the American people, one
given real meaning specifically by the fact, as noted above, that he
specifically did not abandon his commitment to serve merely because he was
twice thwarted in his bid for the presidency and instead simply returned to the
Senate, following the admirable example of Henry Clay, who lost the election of
1824 to John Quincy Adams and then, after serving as the latter’s Secretary of
State for four years, returned to the Senate where he served as Senator from
Kentucky for two non-consecutive terms and died, like McCain, in office.
But it
was McCain’s posthumous letter to America that I want the most to write about
today. Lots of literary masterworks have been published posthumously—all three
of Kafka’s novels, for example, came out after he died in 1924—but most have
been works that their authors for some reasons chose not to publish or were
unable to get published in their lifetimes, not letters that their authors
specifically wished to be publicized after they were gone from the world. That
concept, however, is not unknown…and the concept of creating what is called an
ethical will in which a legator bequeaths, not physical possessions or money,
but values and moral principles to his or her heirs is actually a Jewish
practice that has its roots in medieval Jewish times.
There
are early examples of something like that even from biblical times—the Torah
contains the pre-posthumous blessings that both Jacob and Moses left behind for
their heirs to contemplate and to allow to guide them forward after Jacob and
Moses were going to be gone from the world. (When the New Testament author of
the Gospel of Matthew portrays Jesus as doing the same thing, in fact, it is
probably part of an ancient author’s effort accurately to depict Jesus as a
Jewish man doing what Jewish men in his day did.) But the custom reached its
fullest flower in the Middle Ages—the oldest extant ethical will from that
period was written by one Eleazar ben Isaac of Worms in Germany and dates back
to c. 1050. After that, there are lots of examples, many of which were
collected and published in two volumes back in 1926 by Israel Abrahams under
the title Hebrew Ethical Wills and still available for a very reasonable price.
There is even a modern guide to preparing such a will to leave to your own
descendants in Jack Riemer’s Ethical
Will and How To Prepare Them: A Guide for Sharing Your Values from Generation
to Generation, published in a
revised second edition just a few years ago by Jewish Lights in Woodstock,
Vermont.
And it
is in that specific vein that I found myself reading Senator McCain’s letter to
the American people: not as last-minute effort to make a few final points, much
less to get a few last jabs in at specific, if unnamed, opponents. (The Bible
has a good example of that too in David’s last message to the world, which includes
a hit-list of people David hopes Solomon will find a way to punish—or rather, to
execute—after David is gone from the world and Solomon becomes king after him.)
The McCain letter, neither vengeful nor angry, is not at all in that vein. Nor is
it particularly soothing: it is, in every sense, the literary embodiment of its
authors hopes for the nation he served and his last word on the course he hopes
our nation will take in the years following his death. To read the full text,
click here.
Senator
McCain identifies the core values he feels should lie at the generative core of
all American policy: a deep dedication to the concept of personal liberty, an
equally serious dedication to the pursuit of justice for all, and, to quote
directly, a level of “respect for the dignity of all people [that will bring
the nation and its citizens] happiness more sublime than life’s fleeting
pleasures.” Furthermore, he writes unambiguously that, in his opinion, “our
identities and sense of worth [are never] circumscribed, but enlarged, by
serving good causes bigger than ourselves.”
He
characterizes our country as “a nation of ideals, not blood and soil.” And then
he writes this: “We are blessed and are a blessing to humanity
when we uphold and advance those ideals at home and in the world.” But his tone
is not at all self-congratulatory. Indeed, the very next passage is the one
that seems both the most filled with honor and trepidation: “We weaken our
greatness when we confuse our patriotism with tribal rivalries that have sown
resentment and hatred and violence in all the corners of the globe. We weaken
it when we hide behind walls, rather than tear them down; when we doubt the
power of our ideals, rather than trust them to be the great force for change
they have always been.” It is hard to read
those words without reference to the current administration, and I’m sure that
McCain meant them to be understood in that specific way. But the overall tone
of the letter is not preachy or political, but deeply encouraging and
uplifting. His final words to his fellow Americans are also worth citing
verbatim: “Do not despair of our present difficulties,” the
senator writes from the very edge of his life. “We believe always in the
promise and greatness of America because nothing is inevitable here. Americans
never quit, we never surrender, we never hide from history. We make history.
Farewell fellow Americans, God bless you, and God bless America.”
I
disagreed with John McCain about a lot. We were not on the same side of any
number of the most important issues facing our nation, but those divisions fall
away easily as I read those final words. Here, I find myself thinking easily,
was a true patriot—a flawed man in the way all of us must grapple with our own
weaknesses and failings, but, at the end of the day, a principled man and a
patriot. His death was a loss to the nation and particularly to the Senate, but
the words he left behind will, I hope, guide us forward in a principled way
that finds in debate and respectful disagreement the context in which the
American people can find harmony in discord (which is, after all, a peculiarly
and particularly American concept) and a focused national will to live up
our own Founders’ ideals.
In the
physical universe, energy derives from tension, friction, and stress. In the
world of ideas, the same is true: Socrates knew that and developed a way of
seeking the truth rooted not in placid agreement but in vigorous debate. That
concept, almost more than anything else, is what shines through Senator
McCain’s literary testament to the nation. He notes wryly, and surely
correctly, that we are a nation composed of 325 million “opinionated, vociferous
individuals.” But he also notes that when debate, even raucous public debate,
is rooted in a shared love of country, the result is a stronger, more self-assured nation, not a weaker one enfeebled by conflicting opinions. I think
that too…and my sadness at the senator’s passing is rooted, more than anything
else, in that specific notion.
John
McCain’s life was a gift to our country and his death, a tragedy. May he rest
in peace, and may his memory be a source of ongoing blessing for his family and
for his friends, and also for us all.
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