Taking the slogan at what I thought was face value, I understood the marchers to be declaring their determination not to allow themselves to be replaced by Jews eager to take over their jobs and leave them without work and eventually destitute. In other words, I imagined this somehow to be tied to the marchers’ skittishness about the job market and their need to find someone to blame in advance for losing jobs they fear they only haven’t lost yet and in which they fear they will eventually, to use their own word, be “replaced.” It hardly seems like a rational fear, but that’s what it felt like it had to mean, and so I ended up taking it as just so much craziness rooted not in anything corresponding to actual reality but in the malign fantasy that, left unchecked, we Jewish people will somehow take over the world and install our own people in whatever jobs we wish without regard to where such a move would leave the people currently holding them. And that is what I sense most Jewish people—and maybe even most Americans—hearing this chant took it to mean.
But now that I’ve read more, I see that that is specifically not what “Jews will not replace us” means and that the slogan specifically is not about Jews replacing Christians at work at all. Instead, the chant encapsulates the marchers’ fear that we Jews are working not to take over their jobs ourselves but to replace them at work with third-party others chosen specifically to deprive them of their livelihoods and their places in society. And who might these other people be? That, it turns out, is where anti-Semitism and racism meet: the hordes of jobseekers the marchers fear turn out not to be Jews at all, but hordes of dark-skinned immigrants feared already to be pouring over our borders and insinuating themselves into an already-tight job market. And it is those people who, because they are presumed ready to work at even the most menial jobs for mere pennies, are imagined to be threatening the white (i.e., non-immigrant) people who currently hold those jobs and who earn the American-sized salaries they use to support themselves and their families.
To say this is crazy stuff is
really to say nothing at all. Yes, we have a huge and so-far-unresolved issue
in this country with illegal aliens living in our midst and I’m sure that those
people do take jobs that legal residents might otherwise have. And lots of
non-crazy people, myself definitely included, are eager to find a way out of
this morass that we ourselves have created by failing to police our borders
adequately and by allowing the number of undocumented illegals in our midst to
grow from a mere 760,000 or so in 1975 to something like 12.5 million today
with no obvious solution in sight.
So wanting a reasonable solution
to be found—one that is fully grounded both in settled U.S. law and in
our national inclination to be just, fair, kind, and generous, and one
that doesn’t make after-the-fact chumps out of all those countless millions of
people who followed all the rules and immigrated here fully legally—is not
crazy at all. What is crazy is the fantasy that Jewish Americans somehow possess
the secret power to order Walmart’s and Costco and every other American
business to fire specific employees and replace them with pre-selected others
regardless of whether those others are or are not here legally. Crazier still
is the contention that American Jews somehow control American immigration
policy, and that we are somehow able imperiously to issue instructions that
must be obeyed both to Democratic and Republican administrations. But craziest
of all is the belief that, precisely because American Jews are so
supremely powerful, we must be attacked violently before we order the
administration to let even more immigrants into our nation. That, after all,
was the specific reason the Pittsburgh shooter gave for his savagery in a
comment posted online just before the attack: to give the officers of HIAS
pause for thought before they work to bring in any more “invaders [to] kill our
people.” My post-Pittsburgh proposal is that we stop dismissing that line of
thinking as aberrant looniness that no normal person could actually embrace and
start taking it far more seriously.
It feels natural to consider the
various kinds of prejudice that characterize our society as variations on a
common theme. And in a certain sense, I suppose, that is true. But these
pernicious attitudes are also distinct and different, both in terms of their
root causes and the specific way they manifest themselves in the world:
misogyny, racism, and homophobia, for example, are similar in certain cosmetic
ways, but differ dramatically in terms of the specific malign fantasies that
inspire them and thus should (and even probably must) be addressed in different
ways as well. And we should also bring that line of thinking to bear in
considering anti-Jewish prejudice: similar in some ways to other forms of
prejudice, anti-Semitism also has unique aspects that it specifically does not
share with other forms of bigotry. Indeed, the fact that the anti-Semitism
put on public display in Charlottesville was rooted in the haters’ groundless yet
powerful fantasy about the almost limitless power imagined somehow to have
wound up in the hands of the hated is all by itself enough to distinguish
anti-Semitism from other kinds of prejudice. And not at all irrelevant is that it
appears not to matter at all how impossible it feels to square that fantasy
about Jewish powerfulness with the degree to which powerless Jews have suffered
at the hands of their foes over the centuries, and particularly in the last one.
In that regard, I would like to recommend a very interesting essay by Scott A.
Shay, the author and Jewish activist, that was published in the
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette a few days after the shooting at Tree of Life Synagogue
and which readers viewing this electronically can access by clicking here.
Nor is this a problem solely of one extreme end of the political spectrum. In the wake of Pittsburgh, the spotlight is on the anti-Semitism that characterizes the extreme right, but the same light could be shone just as brightly on the anti-Semitism of the extreme left…and particularly when it promotes hostility toward Israel’s very right to exist and to defend itself against its enemies. Indeed, the assumption that Israel—instead of being perceived as an outpost of democracy smaller than New Jersey trying to survive in a region in which it must deal with nations and political terror groups that openly express their hope to see Israel and its Jewish population annihilated—is perceived as an all-powerful Goliath seeking to eradicate its innocent opponents militarily rather than to negotiate fairly or justly with them, is part and parcel of this fantasy regarding the power of the Jewish people. Coming the week after Hamas fired over five hundred missiles at civilian targets in Israel, each capable of killing countless civilian souls on the ground, the image of Israel as the aggressor in its ongoing conflict with Hamas sounds laughable and naïve. But maybe we should stop laughing long enough to ask ourselves how this myth of Jewish power—whether focused on American Jews imagined to be in control of American foreign policy or Israeli Jews imagined to be intent on crushing their innocent victims for no rational reason at all—perhaps we should ask ourselves how we might address, not this or that symptom of the disease, but the disease itself.
Distinct (at least in my mind)
from theological anti-Semitism rooted in the supersessionist worldview promoted
for so long by so many different Christian denominations, this specific variety
of anti-Semitism seems rooted not in messianic fervor but in fear. And that, I
think, is probably how to go about addressing it the most effectively: by
pulling that fear out into the light and exposing it as a fantasy no less malign
than inane. By forcing young people drawn to the alt-right to look at pictures
of the innocents murdered in Pittsburgh and to ask themselves if they truly
have it in them to believe that U.S. government policy was until two weeks ago
being dictated by 97-year-old Rose Mallinger or by Cecil or David Rosenthal,
both gentle, disabled types whose lives were built around service to their
house of worship. By forcing young people poisoned with irrational hatred of
Israel to look at the portraits of the 1,343 civilians murdered by Palestinian
terrorists since 2000 and to see, not predators or fiends, but innocent victims
of mindless violence. By insisting that young people drawn to fear Jews and
Judaism be exposed to the stories of Shoah victims—and, if possible, to surviving
survivors themselves—and through that experience to understand where groundless
prejudice can lead if left unchecked and unaddressed.Nor is this a problem solely of one extreme end of the political spectrum. In the wake of Pittsburgh, the spotlight is on the anti-Semitism that characterizes the extreme right, but the same light could be shone just as brightly on the anti-Semitism of the extreme left…and particularly when it promotes hostility toward Israel’s very right to exist and to defend itself against its enemies. Indeed, the assumption that Israel—instead of being perceived as an outpost of democracy smaller than New Jersey trying to survive in a region in which it must deal with nations and political terror groups that openly express their hope to see Israel and its Jewish population annihilated—is perceived as an all-powerful Goliath seeking to eradicate its innocent opponents militarily rather than to negotiate fairly or justly with them, is part and parcel of this fantasy regarding the power of the Jewish people. Coming the week after Hamas fired over five hundred missiles at civilian targets in Israel, each capable of killing countless civilian souls on the ground, the image of Israel as the aggressor in its ongoing conflict with Hamas sounds laughable and naïve. But maybe we should stop laughing long enough to ask ourselves how this myth of Jewish power—whether focused on American Jews imagined to be in control of American foreign policy or Israeli Jews imagined to be intent on crushing their innocent victims for no rational reason at all—perhaps we should ask ourselves how we might address, not this or that symptom of the disease, but the disease itself.
To hope that no one is drawn to
extremism is entirely rational, but it really can’t be enough. Just as young
people who seem drawn to a racist worldview should be forced—by their parents
and their teachers in school, or by society itself—to look into the eyes of
those poor souls gunned down in the Emanuel A.M.E. church in Charleston on June
17, 2015, after welcoming their murderer into their midst for an hour of Bible
study, so should society itself rescue young people from themselves once they
are perceived to be embracing the kind of anti-Semitism that led directly to
Pittsburgh…and be forced to confront the bleak hatred that has taken root in their hearts and to see it for what
it is: a fantasy rooted in fear that can be overcome and eradicated by anyone
truly willing to try.
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