But the single biggest shift has
been the slow move away from seeing the day as a somber day on which to
acknowledge the more than 1.3 million Americans who have died in in the
service of our country by visiting their graves or by otherwise acknowledging
their supreme sacrifice to one mostly celebrated, to extent it is
celebrated at all, as a day for giant blow-out sales and as the unofficial
first day of summer. Is that fair to say? It feels like that to me: each year
the President participates in a somber wreath-laying at the Tomb of the Unknown
Soldier in Arlington and the rest of everybody goes to the beach.
Where that strange ambivalence
comes from, who can say? To some extent it has to do with the pride earlier
generations took in the bravery displayed by the men and women of our Armed
Forces in the Spanish-American War, in World Wars I and II, and in Korea, and
the confused set of emotions that inheres even today in the legacy of Vietnam
and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Nor has the legacy of the Civil War been
a simple one to negotiate: to expect the citizens of our Southern states to
mourn the loss of those soldiers who died defending the integrity of the Union but
not the scores of thousands of Confederate soldiers from their own states who
died in their leaders’ vain effort to dismember the Union and to tear it
asunder by force—that seems like a battle best not fought at all. Nor is this
in any sense not a competition: for years, April 26 was observed across
the South as Confederate Memorial Day for years and the practice has never
fully died out—Confederate Memorial Day is still a holiday in South
Carolina, Mississippi, and Alabama—nor is it rooted in sentiments that have fully
and completely died out (to which fact the ongoing kerfuffle over statues
memorializing Confederate leaders and soldiers unambiguously testifies).
So we Americans bring a mixed bag
of emotions to the table as we arrive at Memorial Day each year. Still, you
would think there could be a way to move past the politics and to grieve
nationally for the well more than a million young men and women who died in our
nation’s service without becoming inextricably tangled up in extraneous details.
Yes, you are allowed to think our incursion into Iraq was foolish and
ill-conceived. And you are certainly allowed think—as I certainly do—that the
soldiers who fought to dismantle the Union during the 1860s were, to say the
very least, misguided in their zeal. I have my own complex set of emotions
about Vietnam. (I would have more or less definitely been drafted in February
of 1972 if Congress hadn’t voted to end the draft at the end of January of that
year.) But the challenge of Memorial Day should not be decisively to resolve
all these complicated issues, but rather to encourage the citizenry to set them
aside and to think instead of the endless thousands of young people whose lives
were cut short because of their willingness to take the ultimate risk in the
service of their—our—nation. Focusing on the circumstances of their deaths would
be, in this specific context, both pointless and counterproductive. Our nation
has grown to its position of stature and power in the world because of those
who served and serve. And if honoring those whose lives were cut short requires
looking past politics to honor virtues like courage, patriotism, selflessness,
and virtue, then so be it.
In 1882, the most celebrated and
beloved of our national poets was Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. He led a
remarkable life too, one I enjoyed reading in detail about in Charles C.
Calhoun’s book, Longfellow: A Rediscovered Life, which I came across a
few years ago and recommend to all. He spent his life teaching first at Bowdoin
College in Maine (where he had himself earlier on gone to school and been
classmates with Nathaniel Hawthorne and future president Franklin Pierce) and
at Harvard. And he was incredibly productive, producing in the course of his
lifetime some sixteen volumes of poetry, countless translations (including the first
American translation of Dante), as well as many novels and plays.
At the very end of his life, shortly before
his death in March of 1882, Longfellow wrote one of his last poems, “Decoration
Day.” Was he was prompted by some preternatural sense that he wouldn’t live
until the end of May and so needed to write his poem while he still could? No
one can say, but he did write his poem and he finished it too, then sent it
into The Atlantic, a magazine he had earlier on helped to found, where
it was published in the June issue of that year. More than any other work I
know, Longfellow expresses exactly the twin sentiments I was describing above: that
sense that people who die in their nation’s service deserve to be honored for
their readiness and willingness to serve, and that the political climate
that led to the war or to the conflict that led to the battle that led to that
person’s death need not be part of the story at all. He ignores all that, not
even deigning to nod in that direction. Instead, he addresses the young dead
lying in their earthen graves and tells them that their service is complete and
their task done, and that they have earned the right to rest in peace.
And so, in honor of Memorial Day
this year I would like to offer to you Longfellow’s great poem, “Decoration
Day.”
Decoration
Day
by
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow
Sleep,
comrades, sleep and rest
On
this Field of the Grounded Arms,
Where
foes no more molest,
Nor sentry’s shot alarms.
Ye
have slept on the ground before,
And
started to your feet
At
the cannon’s sudden roar,
Or the drum’s redoubling
beat.
But
in this camp of Death
No
sound your slumber breaks;
Here
is no fevered breath,
No wound that bleeds and
aches.
All
is repose and peace,
Untrampled
lies the sod;
The
shouts of battle cease,
It is the truce of God.
Rest,
comrades, rest and sleep!
The
thoughts of men shall be
As
sentinels to keep
Your rest from danger
free.
Your
silent tents of green
We
deck with fragrant flowers
Yours
has the suffering been,
The memory shall be ours.
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