Of the many
childhood memories that have surfaced in these last weeks as the hundredth
anniversary of my father’s birth came and went, one seems particularly
trenchant to consider as this strangest of all presidential campaigns unfolds
and we, unsure what to make of it all, look on and wonder only what might
happen next.
“It’s impossible,”
my dad once told the eleven- or twelve-year-old me, “to walk across a room.”
Confused, I asked what he was talking about: obviously, you can walk
across a room! How can you not? But no, my dad went on, you can’t. To cross a
room widthwise, say, you must first walk through the first half of the space
between two facing walls, and then—and only then—may you walk through the other
half. But then, as you contemplate crossing the remaining half, it dawns on you
that to do this successfully, you now again must cross the first half of what’s
left of the room’s width, and then the second half. This you manage, and are
now three-quarters of your way to the far wall. But to cross the remaining
quarter, you must first traverse the first half of the remaining distance, and
then you can cover the second half. But then, as you prepare to cross your
final eighth…you realize that you must first cross the first half and only then
can you cross the second half. You can all see, I’m sure, where this was
going—even the boy-version of myself saw it eventually: no matter how much
or how little ground is left to cover, you must first cross the first half and
then the rest. So, theoretically, you cannot ever get to the far wall!
And that, my father submitted, was why you can’t cross a room from one side to
the other.
I was a clever lad,
or I liked to think of myself as one, but this flummoxed me entirely. He was
obviously wrong, wasn’t he?
How could it possibly be impossible to cross a room
on foot? I myself did it all the time! But what about his argument? Where was
the flaw in it? I couldn’t find one, yet I also knew his premise was not only
wrong, but silly, absurd. And that is where things stood until I finally got to
college and learned that my father hadn’t made this up—or at least that others
had made it up before him—and that there was a whole thing in philosophy
called the sorites paradox. (The Greek word for “heap,” the word sorites
correctly pronounced rhymes with “more tripe, please.”) First worked out by
the unjustly obscure Eubulides of Miletus, a fourth century BCE Greek
philosopher who was a contemporary of Aristotle and who had a thing for
paradoxes, the well-named sorites paradox is about the relationship
between a grain of sand and a heap. A single grain of sand is obviously not a
heap of sand. Nor are two grains side by side. Nor does it make sense to say
that something as minuscule as a grain of sand could transform a non-heap into
a heap. Still, if you slowly and methodically add grains of sand to the pile,
at some point you do have a heap of sand. And although that has to be true, it somehow
also has to be not true, since its being true would imply the existence of a specific
point at which a heap of sand would stop being a heap if you removed from
it one single grain of sand…and that sounds ridiculous. How could removing a
single grain of sand possibly ever change the status of a whole heap?
How could an onlooker even tell it was missing?
I was reminded of
both these versions of the paradox—I wisely omit the version that asks how the
loss of a single hair can make a man bald—as I contemplated with dismay the
whole controversy about the so-called Hitler salute that Donald Trump has been
eliciting from his followers at some rallies as a kind of public pledge to vote
for him on primary day.
Attempts to allay
my ill ease have, at least so far, only been marginally successful. The long
essay by Jessie Guy-Ryan published the other day on the Atlas Obscura website
detailing the history of the salute (and referencing—and quoting at length—Hitler’s
own explanation that, although the Italian fascists adopted it first, the
salute had bona fide German roots that went back at least to the
sixteenth century when the entire Diet of Worms used it, apparently spontaneously,
to welcome Martin Luther into their midst) only provoked deeper anxiety in me. Nor
did it calm me particularly to learn that that claim was apparently entirely bogus,
as was too the Italians’ own insistence that the salute had its roots in
ancient Rome. (Interested readers can consult Martin Winkler’s very interesting
2009 book, The Roman Salute: Cinema, History, Ideology.) I suppose I
should admit that I was slightly amused to read that the original version of
the Pledge of Allegiance, written by one Francis J. Bellamy at the request of
the then-popular Youth’s Companion magazine in 1892, eventually and for
many years featured the exact same salute featuring the “right arm straight
forward, angling slightly upward, fingers pointing directly ahead.” That
Congress actually acted to end the possibility of America’s schoolchildren
pledging allegiance to our flag using what by then was widely understood to be
a Nazi gesture—the Flag Code was actually amended in December of 1942 to
require that the Pledge be recited “with the right hand over the heart”—is,
however, merely a historical detail that really only proves my basic premise:
that by the middle of the twentieth century, the gesture in question was
universally understood as a Nazi salute, not as a patriotic American one…much
less a gesture of fealty to the Roman Empire. (If you’re reading this
electronically, click here to see Guy-Ryan’s full essay.)
That was certainly
how Anders Breivik, the Norwegian terrorist and self-defined “national
socialist” who murdered seventy-seven people in 2011 (most of them children) in
two separate attacks, understood it when he raised his arm in an Oslo courtroom
last week to greet the public with the most overt non-verbal symbol of his own
political philosophy he could manage silently.
On this side of the
Atlantic, the whole brouhaha surrounding the raised-arm pledge that Donald
Trump has been requesting of his followers at some rallies is in some sense a
tempest in a teacup. There is an American Nazi party, to be sure, but Donald
Trump is neither a member nor a supporter. Nor are his Republican supporters
reasonably identified as crypto-Nazis who secretly sympathize with National
Socialism. All of that is too much, hyperbole bordering on true craziness. And
it surely also bears saying that Donald Trump himself has insisted that the
pledge gesture has nothing to do with Nazism and has been intentionally misinterpreted
by his detractors as a way of defaming his character. That may well be true—and
yet the fact that we have come this quickly to the point at which a salute so
widely understood to be an expression of allegiance to Nazism that Congress
actually felt compelled to intervene has become something people can do in
public without worry, without shame, without fear regarding their own reputations…that’s
the sorites moment for me personally, the possible/impossible moment at
which a single grain turns a non-heap into a heap. Is this just insensitivity,
just tastelessness, just cluelessness? Or is it something else entirely? American
Hindus do not walk around with swastikas painted on their heads, after all…and
that despite the fact that the origins of the swastika are indeed in ancient
India, where it appears to have been in use as a religious symbol as early as
3000 BCE. It may well be an ancient Vedic symbol symbolizing the cycle of
seasons or the sun itself, but that’s not what it means today to the
overwhelming majority of Americans.
I am a congregational
rabbi. I don’t endorse candidates. I don’t encourage people to vote one way or
the other. But somehow this whole issue of the Nazi-ish salute, layered over the
candidate’s coy and bizarrely delayed repudiation of support from white
supremacist and former KKK leader David Duke, his open and as-yet-unretracted
remark that Jewish voters are only interested in supporting candidates whom
they can control with their money, and my anxiety regarding the question of
what the candidate “really” means by the neutrality he intends, if elected, to
bring to American policy in the Middle East—the issue of a pledge so strongly
reminiscent of the Nazi salute layered over all that makes me wonder which
grain of sand it will take fundamentally to alter the sense of security under
law American Jews have come to think of as natural and normal. That the candidate has a now-Jewish daughter and is the grandfather of
Jewish grandchildren somehow only makes the waters murkier, not clearer, to my
mind. Can the candidate really not know what the people whose salute his pledge
overtly mimics would have made of his daughter’s choice to embrace Judaism or
of his grandchildren’s Jewishness?
I am going to the
annual AIPAC Policy Conference next week and am looking forward more than
anything to hearing Donald Trump address the conference. (Hillary Clinton and
Ted Cruz will be there too, and I also look forward to hearing them. But I am
eagerest of all to hear Trump, to experience the man personally, to hear him
speak with my own ears.) I doubt he will ask the attendees at AIPAC to raise
their arms and pledge their support! But I want to be there to listen
attentively and count the grains as they gather and to see if I can personally
solve Eubilides’ paradox as it applies to the day-to-day dynamics of American
politics. Candidate Trump has said many things that feel at odds with our
national ethos, with our most basic American values. Yet his numbers continue
to rise as he collects more and more delegates to take along to Cleveland in
July. Will the raised-arm pledge eventually be seen as that grain of
sand that tipped the balance and made of a right-wing Conservative something else
entirely? That, of course, remains to be seen.
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